Is there such a thing as self-identity

The development of the self-identity of migrant youth. The importance of the social environment

Table of Contents:

1 Introduction
1.1. Goal setting
1.2. Structure of the work

2. Theoretical background
2.1. Definition: migration
2.2. Migration history - an outline

3. Esser approach based on migration theory
3.1. Definitions of terms
3.1.1. Acculturation
3.1.2. assimilation
3.1.3. integration
3.1.4. General and specific variables
3.1.5. Summary

4. Identity research
4.1. Erikson: Basics of Identity in the Life Cycle
4.1.1. Phases of identity formation
4.1.1.1. The phase of adolescence
4.2. Goffman's approach to identity formation
4.2.1. Social identity, personal identity and self-identity
4.2.2. Stigma and identity
4.2.2.1. Coping Techniques
4.3. Synthesizing the theories of Esser, Erikson, and Goffman
4.3.1. Identity in the context of this work

5. The social environment of migrant youth
5.1. Definition: migrant
5.2. Definition: the social environment
5.2.1. The demographic development in Austria
5.2.1.1. Demographic situation in Upper Austria
5.3. Living situation of young migrants
5.3.1. The family situation
5.3.1.1. The role of girls
5.3.2. The living situation
5.3.3. The social situation
5.3.4. The educational situation
5.3.4.1. The importance of language
5.3.5. The training and work situation
5.3.6. Free time and friendships
5.4. The importance of religion

6. Empirical part
6.1. Research design
6.1.1. The questionnaire
6.2. research object
6.2.1. The second generation
6.2.2. The third generation
6.3. Hypothesis
6.4. Statistical methods used
6.5. Sample analysis
6.6. The social environment
6.6.1. Socio-economic background
6.6.2. Living situation
6.6.3. School education and language skills
6.6.4. Work or school situation
6.6.5. religion
6.6.6. Free time and friendships
6.6.7. Dealing with discrimination
6.7. Review of the hypotheses
6.8. Conclusion
6.9. outlook

7. Summary

8. Internet sources

9. Bibliography

10. Appendix

1 Introduction

For those affected, migration means a break with the previous life story, through the separation from the family of origin, the new language to be learned and the culture. Every migration can be understood as a crisis-ridden process that still has an impact on the new generations that grow back in the host country.

Migrants[1] make up part of the reality in the immigration countries, therefore it is necessary to solve pending problems through migration policy and to take preventive measures. Integration is not just a sociological concept but, especially in recent years, has become a political and extremely controversial topic. Austria is becoming increasingly multicultural in the course of immigration, but on a legal and social level only a small contribution is made to the integration of migrants living in Austria. Integration is seen as a service to be performed by migrants.

There is inherent tension in the cultural diversity of the individual nations. The prevailing reaction is the fear of the foreigner among the population and the isolation of individual groups through media reporting. Ethnicity can be viewed both as a resource and thus identity-giving, but also as a potential for conflict.

Identity is becoming increasingly difficult in a society that does not provide holistic and meaningful models of life for individuals. It is more the case that individual living environments form a patchwork of possibilities for finding meaning. This makes identity formation more flexible and open, but it also makes it more difficult to answer the question "who am I" or "where do I come from". Your own identity is only called into question in times of crisis, but then the existing foundations are vigorously checked for their durability.

Migrant youth cannot be portrayed as a homogeneous group, invariably facing problems. The social context and the living conditions of their entire environment must always be taken into account, because there are certainly migrants who have or are finding their place in the host society. Successful life biographies depend on a wide variety of factors, but the structural framework conditions must always be taken into account.

1.1. Goal setting

As a result of my professional transfer (2003) to a metropolitan area on the outskirts of Linz / Upper Austria, I gradually became aware of the problems that had not existed in my years of work at a rural school, with a maximum of one or two Turkish (or other) migrants per class seemed to give. My teaching activities at several municipal secondary schools in the Linz area ultimately led to the realization that this target group has a particularly high level of tension between the parents' generation and Austrian society.

The following statements in the period 2003-2006 concretized my interest in increasingly investigating the question of why some Turkish migrants cannot make friends with Austrian culture, their school education in Austria or the norms and values ​​given in this country. How do these people feel when they make such statements? Where do they define their place in Austrian society? Can integration ever be achieved under these conditions? What solutions would Austrian society / politics have to offer? Therefore, this work is deliberately limited to the target group of Turkish young people with a migration background.

1. A young woman (Turkish descent of the 2nd generation and graduation from a commercial academy), already mother of a 6-year-old son, came for her younger sister (14 years), who had great motivation problems at school, and asked firmly: "Well, I don't give my son to your school (that means the adjoining elementary school), because there are too many Turks and that's bad for learning morale. I'd rather drive him to another school with fewer Turks for 15 minutes."
2. A father on parenting day when it came to problems with his son: "I'm not talking to you, you are a woman!"
3. A student (16 years old, of Turkish origin, 2nd generation), when I asked why he kept having difficulties with my instructions: "You don't know how difficult it is, at home dad says I shouldn't be told anything by women and at school I have to follow suit."
4. The same student at the corridor supervisor (shortly before the end of school) when I asked what he thinks his future will bring: "I am now sleeping with Austrian women, then I will marry a Turkish woman. Maybe we will go back to Turkey."
5. A male student, 12 years: "I was looking forward to school so much, but now that everyone (meaning the teachers) tells me how bad I am, I don't like school anymore."

The present work deals with the integration and identity of both the "second" and the "third" generation of Turkish migrant youth. Young people who grow up in two cultures are confronted with different issues than Austrian young people. Parents, who sometimes behave contrary to the goals of the school, widen the gap over which the migrant youth should succeed in the balancing act.

In order to be able to depict the living situation of second and third generation immigrant youths, one must first ask about the conditions of their identity development, which, since Erikson, has been seen as a central development task of adolescence. During the first phase in the socialization process, immigrant children take on a picture of themselves (they are the Turk, the Austrian ...) and can no longer put it down.

The research questions should therefore be formulated as follows:

Are there gender-immanent criteria in relation to the identity of migrant youth?

Are there transformation processes in the development of identity between the first and second or third generation?

For the sake of completeness it must be mentioned that there are also quite a few Austrians from socially disadvantaged backgrounds who have difficulties in bringing their own way of life into harmony with the legal system and in conforming to the fundamental values ​​and norms of society.

1.2. Structure of the work

The present work deals with the second chapter with extracts from the theoretical background of migration research.

In the following Chapter 3 Reference is made to aspects of the sociology of migration in Esser, who primarily deals with the question of the extent to which migrant workers contribute to overcoming or consolidating the minority position through their behavior. According to Esser, the host society can for its part put more or less favorable living conditions, integration aids or barriers in the way.

Esser's theory appears to be particularly well suited to answering the research question, as both the process of inclusion and the motivation to migrate are taken into account. The first generation is directly affected, the second only indirectly through the effects of the parents' migration. Although the third generation has no personal migration experience, the grandparents still pass on the family history, the culture of a system that is partially "foreign" to the third generation.[2]

From the field of identity research (Chapter 4) Erikson's phase model of the development of a mature ego personality is presented. The focus of the present work is on the phase of adolescence.

The individual phases are analyzed with particular attention to the specific situation of migrant children / young people.

Goffman's ego identity develops through self-reflection and reflection with the social environment. Goffman's critical analyzes of the stigmatization of individuals and their coping techniques are also the focus of interest in Chap. 4th

After clarifying the terms and definitions, the demographic development of Austria with regard to migration is briefly presented (Chapters 5.1. And 5.2.).

in the Chapter 5.3. the focus is on the current living conditions of migrant youth in Austria. A special distinction is made between the problem areas of young migrants, where education and language, the work and leisure situation, the family and social situation, as well as the importance of religion are obviously considered under the aspect of different sexes.

The entire chapter 6 consists of the empirical part. The results of the questionnaire examinations and the verification of the hypotheses are found here. This is followed by an "intercultural competence" approach aimed at improving the living conditions of young people with a migration background.

Finally give in the last chapter (Chapter 7) a summary of the most important results of this work and future-oriented demands on the Austrian society a final insight into the topic of the integration of migrants and into the processes of identity formation.

2. Theoretical background

In the following section, different approaches from migration, acculturation and assimilation research, as well as examples of some approaches from integration, socialization and identity theories will be presented in order to define the theoretical framework of the work.

2.1. Definition: migration

The term "migration" comes from the Latin "migrare" and means migration. There are numerous definitions of this term, the following should apply to this work:

"Migration is the permanent or permanent change to another society or to another region of one or more people" (Treibel 2003, p.21).

2.2. Migration history - an outline

The first generation strangers

The social figure of the stranger takes a specific position in Simmel (1908) because he is - in contrast to a wanderer who comes today and leaves tomorrow - the "(...) potentially wanderer who, although he has not moved on, is relaxed of coming and going has not completely overcome "(p.685). The term migrant combines closeness and distance: strangeness is thus a status that implies both social belonging and not belonging, and refers to the perception that strangers are also perceived as strangers (cf. Ornig 2006, p. 44 ).

Austria has always been influenced by migration movements. At the end of the 1950s, the recruitment of workers from the Mediterranean began to compensate for a labor shortage caused by war losses and the emigration of young workers. Originally only short stays (according to a one-year rotation principle) were planned for the migrant workers, but they stayed longer and gradually brought their families to Austria.[3] (see Münz, Kytir 2003, p.21).

In the early days of migration sociology, functional adaptation (learning the necessary codes, such as the language) and the full identification of migrants were still seen as the logical result of (successful) integration (cf. Ornig 2006, p.46).[4]

Esser (2003) emphasizes that ethnic communities of the first generation have the function of a reception center for "internal integration", therefore ethnic communities always exist if migration continues.

Park saw the problem more in the duration of being a stranger. He put his "marginal man" (marginalized) in the field of tension between different and contradicting cultures. Park also regards the "marginal man" as a new personality type whose representation serves for the development of civilization (cf. Breckner 2001, p. 81).[5]

These development opportunities, which Park speaks of, are promoted through communication and contact between the different cultures (also in tension with one another) that come together as a result of migration. However, individuals living in two cultures that are difficult to reconcile often remain alien in both cultures; a fact which brings about conflicts of affiliation - such as identity insecurities - (cf. Ornig 2006, p.47).

Later theoretical analyzes (e.g. Eisenstadt) refer to:

a) the cultural, b) the personal and c) the institutional dimension of acculturation[6] of migrants. The learning of roles, norms and customs corresponds to the cultural dimension. The personal dimension relates to the degree of inner satisfaction or emotional adjustment. Eisenstadt cites the intrusion of immigrants into institutional areas of the host society as an institutional dimension (cf. Treuheit / Otten 1986, p.32).

It should be borne in mind that migration involves leaving the familiar context and saying goodbye to habits in all areas of life. It is true that the second generation gets to know the norms of the host country, but whether this already acculturation in the Eisenstadt sense can be doubted. Knowledge of standards does not mean that they are consciously learned. Due to the inner turmoil of migrant youth, their decision-making phase for conscious accession to one or both cultures or a synthesis of both can take longer. "Overall, the process of adaptation takes a long time and the longer the greater the cultural and social distance between the country of origin and the host country" (Lueger-Schuster 1996, p.19).

Later sociological theories understand integration as a process in which the cultures of the different ethnic groups confronting one another can be retained without socio-economic disadvantage. In principle, migrants have the option of choosing between or belonging to two cultures (cf. Ornig 2006, p.47).

3. Esser approach based on migration theory

Hikes and integrations can be carried out for the most varied of motives. For Esser, this also results in the need to develop a "migration theory" that is capable of creating "typical" relationship constellations with "typical"[7] To filter out consequences in order to develop at least a rudimentary general concept (see Esser 1980, p.13). Esser puts the focus of interest on the question of the extent to which migrants evoke a consolidation or overcoming of the minority position through their own behavior and through various adaptations to the environment.

The process of integration includes certain assimilative actions that are caused by the attribution of subjectively perceived chances of success. Accordingly, the integration of hikers occurs "when a hiker finally perceives assimilative actions as subjectively promising to achieve high-rated goals, does not accept any serious, negative consequences (...) and with the appropriate choice of action regularly and permanently achieves the desired goal" (Esser 1980, p.14).

Excursus: Action-theoretical explanations for migration Action-theoretical approaches try to explain individual behavior in general by carrying out empirical studies of action-theoretical hypotheses on the individual level.

This is understood to be a "theoretical approach in the social sciences that takes the intentionality (directionality) of human action as the basis (...) (understandability of human action)" (Fuchs-Heinritz et.al 1995, p.266).

Motives for migration can be ascertained in this way. With Esser, the action theory research perspectives can be characterized by two central assumptions. Significant for the explanation of migration are on the one hand the state of the environment and the position of the actor in the environment and on the other hand the ideas, assessments and perceptions of the environment by the actor - including mental anticipatory assumptions of future relationships between the person and the environment (cf. Wagner 1989, p .22).

Spatial mobility is explained by subjective characteristics:

a) Motivation (incentive value of a target situation)
b) Knowledge and control aspect of actions (expectations in the continuity of actions or in the targeted feasibility of an action)
c) Cost aspect (cost-benefit analysis)

This approach seems to be well suited for explaining the migration situation of the first generation. The main incentive was to work and anticipate the satisfaction of ideas and needs.

The integration of hikers or the position of hikers in the reception system, according to Esser, is characterized by the diversity of relationships between people and their social environment, such as segregation, the assumption of values ​​or interaction, etc. (cf. 1980, p.19). This results in a need for linguistic clarification and definition in order to avoid inaccuracies in the terminology.

3.1. Definitions of terms

In order to ensure a structured basis for the research question, the following terms should be defined or clarified:

When analyzing the relationship between migrants and the host society, Esser differentiates between three forms:

Figure not included in this excerpt

Fig .: 1 Esser 1980, p.25

3.1.1. Acculturation

Esser describes acculturation as a learning process of people in a new social or cultural system through the adoption of behaviors and orientations, through the learning of cultural skills and through the exchange of cultural elements that are compatible with the cultural standards of the host country (cf. 1980, p .21). He describes the process of alignment as acculturation. Acculturation is also present if it is merely a matter of taking over partial elements or partial cultures (e.g. subcultures, class-specific characteristics) (cf. Treuheit / Otten 1986, p.34).

3.1.2. assimilation

"Assimilation is the general term for a similarity due to an approximation or adaptation process" (Fuchs-Heinritz et.al 1995, p.63). Usually, the assimilation of immigrants is associated with the adoption of the language (while giving up their own) and the customs of their host country.[8]

Esser (2003), however, expressly points out that, in his opinion, assimilation "Not the trace-free dissolution of all differences between people means, but only the reduction of systematic differences between the groups and the equalization in the distribution of the relevant characteristics ".[9]

Especially in the case of the second generation, one could speak of a socio-cultural change, graded gradually according to integration or assimilation into the reception system.

3.1.3. integration

Integration, in general, is understood as (re) establishing something to a whole, or that something smaller is incorporated into a larger whole.[10] Esser describes integration as a state of equilibrium between people and the relational systems that concern them (cf. 1980, p.20). For him, the basis of every integration is the interdependence of the parts, i.e. their mutual dependence.[11] However, he considers integration independent of the approach that has taken place. If integration is understood as equal access to all social subsystems, it can / must the Be a prerequisite for assimilation.

3.1.4. General and specific variables

For Esser, the problem of the integration process is given by the need to reorganize the psychological orientation and social integration in order to achieve stable identification with the new living conditions. As a further factor, Esser mentions the consequences of integration for the structuring of the host society (cf. ibid, p.19).

Esser differentiates four dimensions of assimilation, which are also regarded as the basis of this work: a cognitive, an identificative, a social and a structural dimension:

Figure not included in this excerpt

Fig .: 2 see 1980, p.22f. and p. 221, as well as Esser 2003[12]

- Cognitive assimilation (especially through learning and using the language of the host country, etc.): It turns out that this is already successful in the second generation or is still in process of development.
- Identificative assimilation (identification with the receiving society): According to Esser, after the identificative alignment in the "cathectic" (...) appreciation of elements of the receiving system, the value dimension takes place. Due to the attributions and the associated self-identification with the culture of origin, however, in the second generation (and partly also in the third), identification with the host society is still at the beginning.
- Social assimilation (interethnic contacts): The interaction dimension describes the social one "Aspects" alignment, which includes the extent to which interethnic contacts are established in relation to intraethnic interactions. Here, too, it can be stated that this process takes place successfully in the second and - with an increasing tendency - in the third generation.
- Structural assimilation (income, occupational prestige): The dimension of approximation, also called status dimension, implies the degree of Intrusion into the status and institutional system of the host society. Both the first and the second generation can be found on the lower levels. There are few opportunities for advancement.

Esser (2003) sees language as the key to social integration[13] and in the subsequent structural assimilation into the education system and the labor market in the host country. "Without structural assimilation, there can be neither a social nor an emotional turn to the host society".[14]

The different types of adaptation can be explained by combining the various variables (see Esser 1980, p.224f., Fischer 2003, p.86f. And Fischer, Kneher 2003, p.83ff.):

The ethnic subculture (segmentation): With no specific expectations and no trust in the effectiveness of one's own impulses for action, a withdrawal into an ethnic ghetto is sought wherever possible in order to obtain social and emotional stabilization. Instead of trying to get in touch with members of the host society, investments are made in relationships in an ethnic subculture. According to Esser, it depends on the “institutional completeness and exclusivity of the ethnic subculture” whether and for how long this state of assimilation lasts. If most or all of the basic needs of the hiker are met in the ethnic subculture, only minimal assimilative tendencies appear, which equates to a permanent establishment of one's own ethnic group.

Marginality describes the lack of any social integration and explains the existence of a "submissive fringe personality" (a deferent marginality). Retreating into a ghetto is not possible and the person remains exposed to the influences of strangers. However, this should not be a self-stable state and also not be permanent (see ibid).

Partial adjustment occurs when there is strong motivation, internal attribution but the presence of barriers or alternatives such as an intended return to the home country.

If no form of assimilation can be found (e.g. due to strong family ties back home), deviant behavior, regression, could be the result.

The immigrant can make mechanical adjustments by learning typical everyday rituals. These can be done without reflection if the hiker comes from culturally similar countries. In the case of a great cultural difference, a complete reorientation of everyday activities is required.

If the adoption of actions that are typical in the host country leads to success, Esser describes this as traditional-emphatic adaptation.

If new behaviors are developed for which the host country also has no role models, these are referred to in a positive sense as "innovative-emphatic adaptation" (in the case of negative effects, psychological and social consequences of the regression or anomie can be expected).

Multiple integration, as contact with both cultures at the same time, can only be expected under favorable conditions (such as high education of parents, material security), according to Esser. This multiple integration is more likely to take place with people from the fields of art, sport or politics.

"Because multiple integration is therefore not to be expected in the normal case of (labor) migration and because the marginalization of migrants cannot be a political goal, the only options for social integration of migrants are the alternatives of segmentation and assimilation".[15]

Compared to the first generation, the second generation has assimilation advantages at Esser. The lack of competing conditions and the (rather, d.V.'s note) uniform socialization enables assimilation that is noticeably more smooth and effortless (see 1980, p.231). Acculturation can lead to integration and assimilation if migrants also consciously strive for inclusion.

The second and also the third generation have issues regarding cognitive assimilation and also regarding interethnic contacts[16] an advantage, but can only use it sparingly, as their ethnic origin seems to ascribe a certain status to them (see Chapter 4).

It must also be noted that in most areas (such as living environment, career opportunities) there is still a disadvantage or a deficit. All generations are affected by restrictions or barriers to structural assimilation (e.g. high unemployment).

It should be noted that on the one hand the second generation is highly heterogeneous and on the other hand, due to the formation and stabilization of ethnic colonies, declining tendencies in the assimilation and integration processes can be observed (see Dietzel-Papakyriakou 1993, p.42).

3.1.5. Summary

In summary, it can now be stated with Esser that the aspect of balance no longer requires integration into all levels of society. Ethnic identities can be retained, at least in theory, but form a hierarchy,[17] "in which the ethnic (or cultural and religious) characteristics systematically covariate with certain structural variables (such as education, income, occupation, also prestige)".[18]

According to Esser's theory, it can be concluded that those migrants are integrated to a greater extent in the host society, which

- have clear, highly rated goals and pursue them,
- see their actions as feasible and promising,
- implement these actions in a convincing manner,
- experience their choice of action as rewarding from their environment,
- have fewer alternatives to assimilative actions,
- do not (have to) expect negative consequences of their actions
- and are exposed to little social resistance (see e.g. Ornig 2006, p.50 and Esser 1980, p.14).

According to Esser, it makes sense to combine the aspects of integration with the concept of personal identity as the transsituationally stable part of the self that results from successfully coping with problematic situations. In this sense, the term integration also relates to the stability or regularity of interaction relationships (cf. 1980, p.23f).

The assimilative level of adaptation is only reached by the second and third generation of immigrants as a result of ever increasing primary contacts. A basic requirement for assimilation is the common language. "The (as yet) not assimilated first generation deviates from the locals in terms of their culture, memories and feelings" (Treibel 2003, p. 89).

For Esser (2003) a blatant disadvantage with regard to structural assimilation for migrants can be seen, "whereby the Turks also show clear signs of social and emotional segregation and the formation of a kind of ethno-religious sub-nation".[19]

If integration is understood as a state of equilibrium or as access to status lines, this could mean for (not only) Austrian politics, whose understanding of integration is primarily geared towards adapting to Austrian values, norms and traditions, opening status lines and making them accessible to migrants close. Naturalization would then necessarily have to be at the beginning and not at the end of the settlement process.

4. Identity research

Definitions and ideas should be put in advance in order to demonstrate the complexity of the term "identity":

The word identity has its origin in the Latin "idem" and describes the constant, the same (cf. Fuchs-Heinritz et al. 1995, p. 286).

"I give my soul this face, now that face, depending on which side I turn it. If I speak differently of myself, it is because I see myself as different" (Michel de Montaigne).[20]

Abels (2006) addresses the fact that people are often only perceived as identical if they act "the same" in all situations - that is, authentically and according to fixed principles (see p.244).

"Our identities are diverse. The narrowing of identity to religion therefore carries a lot of potential for conflict" (Rushdie 2007, p.23).

"Identity is a matter of consciousness, that is, an unconscious self-image becomes reflexive. This applies to both individual and collective life" (Assmann 1992, p.130).

The development of identity at Erikson himself is understood as a lifelong process that can be explained on the one hand from the individual as well as from his social and cultural context (cf. 1998, p.188f.).

Excursus: socialization

Socialization is generally understood as a process of integrating into a society, a social group, with a person's personal development at the same time.[21] Different socialization causes different behaviors, such as class-specific, culture-specific or gender-specific characteristics.

In order to be able to live in societies, individuals must acquire abilities, skills, values ​​and behavioral standards that are important in the specific society.[22] The processes of socialization also generate the ability to build interpersonal relationships, a necessary prerequisite for perceiving one's own identity as a person capable of acting. Socialization is a life-long process, but its greatest importance lies in childhood and adolescence. The most important socialization bodies are: peer groups, relationship partners and self-socialization.

In the social sciences, a distinction is usually made between primary and secondary socialization. The primary one is a fundamental (learning) process in which the child grows up to participate in society (e.g. through a family of origin or through the mischievous conquest of the environment). Families, as the most important socialization authority, not only convey the norms and customs of their culture, but also their special styles, values ​​and myths, which reflect their own family biography.

Secondary socialization takes place for the most part outside the family (e.g. in school, in youth groups or at work) and can therefore be understood as a learning performance of a primarily socialized individual, which corresponds to the behavioral requirements of new social environments or reference groups.[23]

"It is therefore not surprising that any delay in a family adjustment process becomes evident when a new generation grows up in the host country. Whatever was avoided by the first generation becomes relevant again in the next, mostly in the form of a generational conflict. Such conflicts are depressing most blatantly in families living in ghettos "(Sluzki 2000).[24]

4.1. Erikson: Basics of Identity in the Life Cycle

Difficult by the socio-legal status uncertainty, the problematic questions increase for many young migrants[25] like "what is life?" - "Who / what am I?" - "Where do I come from?" - "Where is my place in this world?" Satisfactory answers to these and similar questions are a necessary prerequisite for a self-confident appearance in society.

"Young migrants move between two poles, between the world of their parents and the world of the host society. The struggle for an identity in this phase primarily serves to create the conditions for a link between the two poles" (Viehböck, Bratić 1994, p .106).

Erik H. Erikson (1902-1994) was shaped in his training by the analysis of Anna Freud, but later, after emigrating to the USA, developed an independent theory in which he assumes that the personality and, associated with it, the identity of people in a lifelong development, culturally and socially shaped by family and society, matures. Erikson combines an identity theory with a socialization theory (cf. Abels 2007, p.367).

[...]



[1] For reasons of easier readability, the masculine form or "the interior I" is used, but always - in the sense of totality - means both genders.

[2] What is meant is the system of origin of the emigrated parents / grandparents

[3] The annual exchange did not meet the economic efficiency and requirements of the companies.

[4] Note: The aim should be total assimilation; resulting from the distancing from the culture of origin and the complete adoption of the behavior modes of the host country.

[5] http://books.google.com/books?id=q0Vb0cmja5IC&pg=PA81&lpg=PA81&dq=marginal+man+park& source = web & ots = j27jljmBDa & sig = a2yGkWX4uT6j0UHvtx5N5p4Y0kk # PPA81, M1

[6] For definition see chap. 3.1.1.

[7] Note: "Typical" in Esser's sense means an empirically frequently realized relationship constellation.

[8] see http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Assimilation_Soziologie

[9] http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/akademie/online/50366.pdf

[10] see www.zebra.or.at/ zebratl /99/ Dictionary.htm, http://www.erwachsenenschule.de/glossar.html

[11] http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/akademie/online/50366.pdf

[12] http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/akademie/online/50366.pdf)

[13] Esser emphasizes the need for the earliest possible contact with the language of the host country. See also chapter 5.3.4.1

[14] http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/akademie/online/50366.pdf

[15] http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/akademie/online/50366.pdf

[16] These can certainly be viewed as the main component of social identification

[17] Esser also uses the expression "ethnic stratification" for this

[18] http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/akademie/online/50366.pdf

[19] http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/akademie/online/50366.pdf

[20] www.ipp-muenchen.de/texte/keupp_dortmund.pdf

[21] a kind of socio-cultural programming

[22] Abels (2007) points out that values ​​and norms develop within the framework of a certain society and therefore the question of the legitimacy or the justification of certain goals of a successful socialization always arises (see page 59).

[23] http://isra.tuwien.ac.at/Lehre/LVAs-WS-06-07/Einf_Sozio_Demogr/5%20Ver%C3%A 4nderungen% 20im% 20Lebenslauf% 20-% 20Sozialisierung% 20.pdf

[24] http://www.portalpsicologia.org/documento.jsp?idDocumento=2129

[25] These questions are in and of themselves typical of the youth phase in general.

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